Xi Jinping

Why Chinese Tourists Are Saying ‘No’ to Visiting North Korea

A statue of Mao Zedong in China bus station

A statue of Mao Zedong in a tour bus station in China

Following Chinese President Xi Jin-ping’s recent visit to Pyongyang, optimism has surged among Chinese travel agencies hoping for a revival of cross-border tourism. With July marking the traditional peak summer travel season, tour operators are blitzing social media with promotional packages. Yet, beneath the surface of this state-encouraged diplomatic warmth, Chinese tourists are overwhelmingly saying “no thanks” to North Korea.

THE 8,000 YUAN QUESTION

For years, Chinese travelers made up most of North Korea’s foreign visitors, providing a crucial lifeline of hard currency to the heavily sanctioned regime (read more on Is It Ethical to Travel to North Korea). Hoping to revive that pipeline, agencies in China’s Beijing, Nanjing and Shenyang have been aggressively marketing July departures. The itineraries circulating online propose a seven-night journey via the international train from the Chinese border city of Dandong to Pyongyang. The tours promise stops at iconic state monuments like the Juche Tower, the Arch of Triumph, the Mansudae Art Studio and the border village of Panmungak.

However, these packages come with a steep price tag: approximately 8,000 Chinese yuan (around $1,100 USD). In China’s current economic climate, consumers are becoming intensely value-conscious. Across online platforms like China’s Google, Baidu, commenters have been quick to point out that even spending 5,800 yuan is an exorbitant amount for a destination that many increasingly view as outdated and unappealing. For the same price, they could enjoy a relatively luxurious, unrestricted holiday in South Asia. One recent visitor who spent five days in North Korea noted the absurd inflation for foreigners: “A single watermelon costs 160 RMB (approximately $24 USD). Whatever you do, it feels like you are spending dozens of times the normal price.” Another traveler from Hangzhou, the birthplace and headquarters of tech giant Alibaba Group, who spent six days between Pyongyang and Sinuiju, echoed this sentiment. Confined to the Yanggakdo Hotel on an “isolated island” where tourists cannot leave the gates without a guide, he observed that even basic modern necessities are priced as extreme luxuries in North Korea: “There is virtually no entertainment, and internet is shockingly expensive – $150 USD for 1GB of data … and the connection is unbearably slow. If you factor in the tour fee and personal expenses, you are burning through thousands of yuan a day just to be able to do anything.”

A SCRIPTED REALITY

Beyond the financial cost, the actual travel experience is far from a relaxing getaway. One recent tourist even described the train journey from Dandong as a “survival challenge,” as the trains are “dilapidated and freezing, transporting visitors back decades into history.” Upon arrival in Pyongyang, the atmosphere left an equally haunting impression, with a tourist detailing his experience as one filled with extreme contradictions: “My impression of Pyongyang is a city that is both glamorous and run-down, high-profile yet deadly silent, characterized by extreme order and extreme emptiness. … It is so quiet that there is not even a single clothes drying rack in sight, smartphones have no signal and female traffic police simply turn their backs to you. Yet it is also incredibly glamorous – huge crowds march in perfect unison, towering 70-story buildings, spotless model streets without a speck of rubbish and tour guides who are always smiling.”


Other visitors shared similar experiences, describing the streets as exuding a “silent pressure,” and likening Pyongyang to “a city where no one speaks.” Meanwhile, this eerie silence is frequently juxtaposed with “incredibly loud” state propaganda. A tourist noted, “imagine dozens of giant loudspeakers buzzing simultaneously over your head without stopping. They hand out prizes, pots and soap on the street, telling you it is a blessing from the state.” To many, this “scripted city” feels more like a movie set than a living capital, especially when the day abruptly ends at 11 p.m., when Pyongyang cuts its power and the façade falls away, leaving tourists in the dark. For those who visit, this abrupt darkness serves as a brief, jarring glimpse into the profound daily hardships and realities endured by the people who live there.

THE DEMAND FOR FREEDOM

Among other criticisms, Chinese netizens are voicing a common, though highly ironic complaint: North Korea simply does not offer enough personal freedom. Travel to the DPRK has always required strict adherence to state-approved itineraries. Wandering away from the group, interacting with locals, taking unauthorized photographs or speaking freely about politics are strictly forbidden: “All you can do is obediently join a tour group, follow the crowd step-by-step and avoid doing anything that might upset the guide.” In the past, perhaps many Chinese tourists viewed this as a nostalgic novelty, like a trip back in time to an era resembling China’s own mid-century past, but today, the novelty has worn off. Modern Chinese travelers, accustomed to the autonomy of independent global travel, are increasingly chafing at the restrictions, with one visitor complaining that “you are stared at the entire time. … Communication has zero privacy … you just listen to orders. When reminded of the strict system in place, you are expected to simply remain silent.”

Interestingly, discussions criticizing North Korea’s lack of freedom of speech and movement are circulating widely on major Chinese platforms without obvious signs of state censorship. The fact that Beijing’s sophisticated censorship apparatus is allowing these critical discussions to remain live suggests that Chinese authorities may be perfectly comfortable letting grassroots sentiment dictate the pace of economic engagement with Pyongyang, regardless of the recent summit’s optics.

“After reading this, [we should] appreciate even more when we can travel freely.”

Perhaps the most remarkable encapsulation of this shifting dynamic came from an unexpected source. Underneath a recent social media post detailing the restrictive realities of touring North Korea, an official account belonging to the Chongqing China Youth Travel Service left a comment that quickly caught attention: “After reading this, [we should] appreciate even more when we can travel freely.” The tone is indeed striking, especially coming from a state-owned and state-controlled enterprise that is deeply embedded in the government’s tourism sector. By publicly and implicitly contrasting the travel freedoms enjoyed by Chinese citizens elsewhere with the constraints of their neighbor, it becomes clear that this year’s marketing push faces an uphill battle.

As summer peaks and the travel agencies wait for an official resumption of tourist visa issuance that has yet to fully materialize, the message from the Chinese public is loud and clear. Diplomatic ties might open the door, but it will take much more than expensive, standardized itineraries to convince them to walk through it. More importantly, as we reflect on these highly controlled tours, our hearts remain with the people of North Korea, maintaining a quiet hope for a day when true freedom, peace, and lasting restoration can reach them.

Xi's Parade - Putin, Kim, and Kim's Daughter

North Korean Princess’ First Trip to China

North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, has reappeared on the world stage — this time in Beijing, attending China’s largest-ever military parade. The trip was his first to China since 2019, but what truly caught the world’s eye was his daughter, Kim Ju-ae, walking beside him. Her presence marks the first time the teenage heir-apparent has joined her father on an international visit, offering what many see as a preview of North Korea’s future leadership. The pair arrived aboard Kim’s signature armored train, greeted by senior Chinese officials. Ju-ae, believed to be around 12 or 13 years old, was placed prominently at her father’s side during official events, even standing ahead of senior North Korean figures like Foreign Minister, Choe Son-hui.

Outside China, the optics were splashed across headlines and dissected by analysts. Ju-ae’s inclusion appears to be a carefully choreographed signal that the Kim dynasty’s succession plan is already in motion. But inside China, state media chose a very different tone: the coverage was perfunctory, mentioning Kim only briefly and noting his daughter almost as an afterthought.

WHY CHINA PLAYED IT LOW-KEY

While global headlines buzzed with images of the young “front runner” to succession, Chinese media barely registered Ju-ae’s presence. Though there were reports about Kim arriving in China for the parade, there were very few that noted Ju-ae had accompanied him. The restraint appears calculated, prompting speculations that Beijing wanted the spotlight firmly on President Xi Jin-ping and China’s own military prowess, with drones, hypersonic missiles and robotic weapons rolling through Tiananmen Square in a spectacle designed to project strength and leadership. Overemphasizing Kim’s rare appearance, and particularly his daughter’s first international outing, could risk diluting that message. 

Meanwhile, Ju-ae is a living emblem of hereditary succession, a theme that resonates uncomfortably in China, where netizens already joke about “second-generation reds,” the children of the Chinese Communist Party’s elites who often occupy leadership roles today, like Xi-Jinping himself, the son of a veteran revolutionary and former State Council Secretary General. Broadcasting Ju-ae too prominently could invite comparisons Beijing would rather avoid, thus the limited coverage ensured North Korea remained framed as a distant, junior partner – defined more by its differences than its likeness – rather than a co-star.

SWIFT ERASURE OF KIM’S FOOTPRINTS

If Beijing’s muted coverage suggested careful stage-management, North Korea’s own actions revealed just how far Pyongyang goes to control the narrative and protect its dear leader. After Kim’s talks with Russia’s Vladimir Putin during the same visit in Beijing, aides moved swiftly to erase all physical traces of his presence. According to Reuters, North Korean staff wiped down his chair, cleared away the coffee table and removed his drinking glass — part of an extreme security protocol designed to deny foreign intelligence agencies even the smallest sample of his royal DNA. As with his previous trips abroad, Kim’s green train also carried its own private toilet to ensure no waste could be collected en route. Analyst Michael Madden of the Stimson Center noted that for Pyongyang, such measures are essential because any medical data could expose vulnerabilities. 

Moreover, these practices are long-standing: during Kim’s 2019 summit with Donald Trump in Hanoi, his team stripped mattresses and secured hotel floors; when meeting South Korea’s Moon Jae-in in 2018, they sanitized furniture before he sat; and before his 2023 summit with Putin, aides disinfected chairs and even scanned them with metal detectors. Together, these habits underscore both the paranoia and precision with which North Korea projects its leadership, ensuring that Kim is seen exactly as intended, and never more.

In the end, Kim’s decision to bring Ju-ae to Beijing was likely not just a family gesture but a calculated act of statecraft. China, for its part, embraced Kim’s presence just enough to highlight its alliances, while simultaneously restricting any coverage that might distract from its own carefully curated narrative of strength. The result was an episode that captured both the fragility and the endurance of authoritarian rule: power projected outward with military parades and dynastic heirs, but guarded inward with silence, censorship and the obsessive erasure of traces.